Since the military takeover in July 2023, the state of human rights in Niger has seen a continuous decline. Throughout 2025, the ruling military council persisted in its crackdown on political rivals, dissenters, labor leaders, and members of the press. Authorities have maintained the unlawful confinement of the deposed president, Mohamed Bazoum, and his spouse, alongside several former government officials, journalists, and civil rights advocates.
Niger remains embroiled in a struggle against various armed Islamist factions. These include the Islamic State in the Sahel (ISS), the Al-Qaeda-affiliated Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims (JNIM), Boko Haram, and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), primarily operating in the southern and western borderlands. Hostilities in the Tillabéri region and areas adjacent to Mali and Burkina Faso have surged, placing civilian populations at greater risk.
In August, the transition government introduced a recruitment drive known as “Garkuwar Kassa” (Shields of the Homeland). This initiative aims to enlist and train civilians to support the national military, sparking significant concern regarding the potential for these militias to commit extrajudicial abuses.
In March, the head of the military council, Abdourahamane Tiani, formally assumed the role of transition president for a five-year term without holding a public vote. This move further solidified his control and pushed back the timeline for a democratic transition. Additionally, Abdourahamane Tiani issued a decree that effectively banned multi-party politics across Niger.
By January, Niger, alongside Mali and Burkina Faso, finalized its withdrawal from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), a move that strips citizens of their ability to seek legal redress via the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice. Furthermore, in September, these three nations declared their intent to exit the International Criminal Court (ICC), a decision likely to obstruct justice for victims of war crimes and atrocities.
Atrocities committed by armed Islamist factions
The Islamist insurgency, which originated in northern Mali in 2012 before spilling into Niger and Burkina Faso in 2015, has caused widespread suffering for over a decade. In 2025, the ISS escalated its campaign against civilians in the Tillabéri area, executing hundreds of villagers and worshippers while looting and destroying homes.
- On March 21, ISS militants launched a deadly raid on a mosque in Fambita, Tillabéri, killing at least 46 people, including three children, during afternoon prayers. They also stole livestock and burned approximately 20 residences and market stalls.
- On May 13, the same group attacked the hamlet of Dani Fari, resulting in the deaths of five men and two boys. At least 12 homes were set ablaze during the raid.
- On June 21, an attack on a mosque in Manda left over 70 worshippers dead, including five children, during morning services. The attackers looted the village and destroyed 10 houses.
- On June 20, ISS fighters entered Abarkaize, executing the 67-year-old village leader. Three days later, they abducted five more men whose bodies were later discovered with their throats slit.
- On June 23, at least six male civilians were murdered in the hamlet of Ezzak during an ISS raid focused on looting.
Reports indicate that prior to these massacres, militants often threatened residents for allegedly cooperating with the Nigerien military or failing to pay the zakat (religious tax). Survivors noted that despite warnings and pleas for protection, the Nigerien army failed to provide an adequate security response.
Crushing political opposition and dissent
Following the 2023 coup, Mohamed Bazoum and his wife have remained under house arrest at the Niamey presidential palace, isolated from legal counsel and family. After the military council revoked his presidential immunity in 2024 through a disputed legal process, Mohamed Bazoum faces the threat of trial. In February, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention officially labeled their confinement as unlawful and demanded their immediate release.
The junta has also detained dozens of former officials and associates of the previous administration without adhering to fair trial standards. While approximately 50 detainees were granted a partial release in April, many remain imprisoned for political reasons. Among them is Moussa Tiangari, a prominent human rights defender and vocal critic of the military government.
Moussa Tiangari was taken from his Niamey home on December 3, 2024. He was later charged with conspiracy against state authority and association with terrorist enterprises. If convicted of collaborating with foreign powers, he could face the death penalty. Despite legal appeals for his release, he remains in pre-trial detention without having seen a judge.
Restraints on media and freedom of association
Press freedom in Niger has been severely compromised since the transition to military rule. Journalists face frequent harassment, threats, and arbitrary arrests, leading many to practice self-censorship. In January, the private station Canal 3 TV was temporarily suspended after airing content critical of government ministers, and its editor, Seyni Amadou, saw his press credentials briefly revoked.
In February 2025, the military authorities expelled the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) from the country without providing a clear justification. In May, security forces in Agadez arrested three journalists from Sahara FM for reporting on shifting security alliances between Niger, Russia, and Turkey; they remain in custody despite an initial judicial order for their release.
Labor rights have also come under fire. In August, the Interior Minister, Mohamed Toumba, dissolved four judicial unions, claiming they had strayed from their professional purpose. This move was met with fierce opposition from the Trade Union Confederation of Niger and the Niger Bar Association, the latter of which organized a two-day general strike to protest this attack on judicial independence and the right to organize.
