The controversy surrounding political funds has ignited one of the most intense debates in Senegal’s political landscape in recent days. From television studios to social media platforms, politicians, former ministers, and lawmakers are locked in a fierce exchange over a question that has now become explosive: who, before Ousmane Sonko, truly benefited from discretionary envelopes allocated to the Prime Minister’s office, and how were these funds used?
The debate has taken center stage as the National Assembly, convened in an extraordinary session since August 10, is reviewing a draft law aimed at regulating special credits and secret funds. Alongside this, lawmakers are examining proposals on asset declarations, labor laws, and the creation of six parliamentary inquiry commissions.
An explosive claim by Aly Ngouille Ndiaye
The debate was sparked by a bold statement from former Interior Minister Aly Ngouille Ndiaye during an appearance on SenTV. Known for his outspoken nature, he claimed that Ousmane Sonko is the first Senegalese Prime Minister to have received political funds tied to his position: « Ousmane Sonko is the first head of government to be allocated these funds. I never held the post of Prime Minister, but several former officeholders—some still alive and listening to me—can attest that even Boun Abdallah Dionne, who is no longer with us, did not have access to such funds. This system began under Sonko’s tenure.»
Ndiaye also questioned the amount frequently cited by Sonko—1.7 billion CFA francs—highlighting uncertainty over its frequency. « Some claim it’s quarterly, others say annually. If it were yearly, Sonko would have received around 8 billion. Yet, I know the first 1.7 billion francs were exhausted quickly. If it were annual and depleted within a quarter, that’s an alarming rate,» he noted. He echoed previous revelations by the Minister of Petroleum and Energy, Abdourahmane Diouf, that the initial allocation was entirely spent, leaving Sonko’s successor with no funds available. Ndiaye argued that this situation warrants transparency: « He should have included his own case in the inquiry commissions for the sake of transparency. There are even things I know that I can’t disclose here.»
Former Prime Ministers push back against the narrative
The former minister’s remarks triggered a wave of backlash on social media, where archival videos surfaced to directly contradict his claims. The most striking rebuttal came from Souleymane Ndéné Ndiaye, the last Prime Minister under Abdoulaye Wade, who stated on the « Faram Facce » show in April 2025: « Even when I was the President’s Chief of Staff, I received political funds every month.» This revelation places the existence of these funds far earlier than Ndiaye suggested, predating Ndéné Ndiaye’s time as Prime Minister.
Additional testimonies, including those from Macky Sall—who served as Prime Minister under Wade from 2004 to 2007—and Idrissa Seck, Wade’s Prime Minister from 2002 to 2004, further undermined Ndiaye’s argument. Social media users also recalled a notable instance where former President Abdoulaye Wade reportedly used his own political funds to support his Prime Minister’s expenses.
Pastef’s response: « baseless accusations »
The Pastef party, led by Ousmane Sonko, countered with a strong response through Elimane Pouye, Director General of the SOGEPA SN. He dismissed the claims as « baseless » and urged a comparison of the Prime Minister’s office budgets for 2023, 2024, and 2025, arguing that variations were due to institutional changes rather than new allocations. Pouye emphasized that the real issue is not whether these funds existed before Sonko but how predecessors used them. He called for a focus on the democratic and accountable use of public funds rather than on divisive debates over amounts and timing.
Pastef has long criticized the lack of oversight on these political funds, with its reform proposals dating back to 2019—well before Sonko became Prime Minister in 2024. This underscores that the practice is neither new nor unique to the current administration.
Historical context: the evolution of political funds
To understand the current controversy, it’s essential to examine the historical evolution of these discretionary envelopes. Under former President Abdou Diouf, allocations hovered around 650 million CFA francs. During Abdoulaye Wade’s presidency, this figure ballooned to nearly 8 billion. A report by the State Inspectorate General (IGE) covering 2008–2012 revealed that 108 billion CFA francs in political funds were disbursed during this period, with 48 billion lacking any accounting justification—a figure long buried in Senegal’s public accounts.
One of the most documented episodes involves the National Program for Local Development (PNDL), a 100-billion-CFA fund managed by the Prime Minister’s office. This program was central to an investigation into Idrissa Seck after he left Wade’s government in 2004. Authorities examined the program’s management and two of Seck’s properties in Saly and Atlanta, suspecting illicit enrichment. This case highlights how the issue of controlling discretionary Prime Ministerial resources is far from new.
Calls for legal regulation
The demand for transparency has also reached the legislative arena. In September 2025, majority deputy Guy Marius Sagna submitted a draft law to create a « Commission for Verifying Political Fund Credits » to Pastef’s parliamentary group and Ousmane Sonko. Sonko reportedly asked Sagna to delay the initiative, preferring the government to lead the reform. Sagna later amended his proposal to strengthen oversight, though he expressed concern that the President might « continue past practices » on this issue. He has since submitted four draft laws, one of which explicitly proposes a commission to audit the use of political fund allocations.
Deputy Thierno Alassane Sall, a former Energy Minister known for his 2017 resignation over transparency concerns, went further, calling these funds « theft » for lacking parliamentary authorization. He clarified that the envelopes in question differ from the budgeted funds allocated to presidential intelligence services, which he argued should not be conflated.
Not all voices align, however. El Hadj Momar Samb, Secretary-General of the RTA-S, accused the parliamentary majority of « opportunism, » noting that many of its current members held high-ranking positions in recent years without advocating for oversight of these funds. While supporting transparency, he advocated for broader parliamentary scrutiny, including the management of the National Water and Sanitation Office (ONAS), the traceability of oil revenues, and funds allocated to the Matam region and victims of political crises.
Official stance: regulation over abolition
President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has justified maintaining these funds, citing their role in intelligence gathering and social solidarity. He argued that their outright abolition could create a vacuum in addressing urgent social needs. Sonko, for his part, has ruled out abolishing these funds but supports their regulation. During a May 2026 address to the National Assembly, he cited the allocation of 1.77 billion CFA francs to the Prime Minister’s office.
The ongoing extraordinary session, which began on August 10, includes a draft law to regulate special credits and secret funds, alongside proposals to amend the Constitution regarding presidential asset declarations. This debate underscores the persistent tension between an entrenched institutional practice—documented across successive regimes from Abdou Diouf to the present—and the transparency and accountability demands championed by the new authorities since their 2024 ascent to power.
