September 16, 2026
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A framework signed in Lomé, but not a green light for return

On 11 September, Benin, Ghana, Togo, Burkina Faso and the UN refugee agency signed three tripartite agreements in Lomé. The texts do not trigger any immediate repatriation. They set up a cooperation structure between Burkina Faso, the UNHCR and each of the three host countries, with mechanisms for consultation, monitoring and preparation of possible return and reintegration operations.

That distinction matters. In a Sahel region shaped by forced displacement, the word “return” can easily be read as a call to pack up and go home. The principle defended by the UNHCR is different: any repatriation must be voluntary, safe and dignified, and refugees must be able to make an informed decision about their own future.

Host countries carrying a crisis they did not create

For years, insecurity in Burkina Faso has pushed thousands of people across borders. Benin, Ghana and Togo now find themselves on the front line of a crisis they did not originate.

The numbers show the scale. In Benin, more than 11,000 refugees from Burkina Faso were registered as of 31 May 2026. In Ghana, statistics from June 2026 counted 13,368 Burkinabè refugees, nearly two-thirds of the country’s entire refugee population. Ghana had set up reception centres in the border areas of Tarikom and Zini and, in February 2025, granted prima facie refugee status to Burkinabè seeking protection.

Togo faces a similar influx. According to the UNHCR, the country hosted around 65,100 refugees and asylum seekers in June 2026, 86 percent of them from Burkina Faso.

These figures give the Lomé agreements another dimension. They are not about abstract population movements. Behind any future return operation are families who left their villages, abandoned their belongings and sometimes lost relatives.

Why return cannot paper over the causes of exile

This is where the role of the Burkinabè authorities becomes central. For several years, Burkina Faso has confronted an insurgency led notably by Islamist armed groups, but also serious allegations concerning operations by government forces and allied militias.

Human Rights Watch says the human rights situation deteriorated further in 2025. The organisation documents abuses attributed both to Islamist armed groups and to government forces and pro-government militias. It cites killings of civilians, forced displacement and growing restrictions on the media, the opposition and civil society.

In a report published in April 2026, Human Rights Watch documented 57 incidents and gathered testimony from hundreds of people to examine violence committed since 2023. The organisation considers that Burkinabè forces and their allied militias, like Islamist armed groups, are responsible for serious abuses that may amount to war crimes or crimes against humanity. It calls for accountability through credible investigations.

These allegations bear directly on the context in which refugees would be asked to return. A repatriation operation cannot be treated as a solution simply because a diplomatic agreement has been signed.

The junta and the question of security guarantees

Since the September 2022 coup, Burkina Faso has been led by military authorities under Captain Ibrahim Traoré. Human Rights Watch reports that the junta extended the transition period and shrank political and civic space, with measures targeting journalists, opponents and civil society organisations.

The organisation has also documented disappearances, forced enlistment and restrictions on critical voices. In May 2026, it again denounced tightening measures against independent media and information.

For refugees, these elements are not secondary. The fundamental question remains protection: can they return to their villages without fearing fresh violence? Will their homes and land be accessible? Will they be able to obtain civil status documents, healthcare, schools and means of subsistence? And above all, will mechanisms exist for them to report possible violations?

The UNHCR itself recalls that durable return presupposes that the root causes of displacement have been sufficiently addressed and that peace allows people to live without being forced to flee again.

Benin, Ghana and Togo: the responsibility of host countries

In this context, the stance of Benin, Ghana and Togo stands out as an important part of the regional response. By hosting people forced to flee, these three countries have assumed a heavy humanitarian responsibility despite their own security and economic challenges.

The agreement signed in Lomé makes it possible not to set reception against return. It gives the countries concerned a framework to prepare for the future while maintaining the principle of voluntariness.

It is also a signal of regional cooperation. The Gulf of Guinea countries are directly exposed to the consequences of the Sahel crisis. Population movements do not stop at borders and therefore require coordination between states, international organisations and local communities.

Benin, Ghana and Togo can thus be seen not only as neighbours of Burkina Faso, but also as actors in the regional response to the crisis.

A signature, but not yet a return

The Lomé agreements are therefore more of a roadmap than a repatriation timetable. Their effectiveness will depend on how they are applied and, above all, on the conditions that prevail in Burkina Faso.

The message to refugees is clear: their return must be voluntary and must take place once security and dignity conditions are met. This caution is all the more important given that the Burkinabè context remains marked by armed violence and allegations of abuses involving several parties to the conflict.

For Benin, Ghana and Togo, the challenge is now twofold: continue protecting those who need asylum while preparing, with the UNHCR and the Burkinabè authorities, the conditions for a possible return.

Because a refugee truly goes home only when they can live there in safety. The real success of the Lomé agreements will not be measured by the number of people sent back to Burkina Faso, but by the number able to return freely, rejoin their communities and rebuild their lives without being forced to flee again.