A fascinating, unprecedented look into the secret machinery of Moroccan diplomacy and intelligence has emerged. A series of confidential letters from October 2008, originating from the Moroccan embassy in Caracas, Venezuela, reveal how Rabat orchestrated an infiltration and diplomatic counter-offensive strategy to weaken the Polisario Front and curb Algerian influence in Central America, using intelligence provided by Sahrawi diplomat Salama Ould Hennane.
Addressed directly to Yassine El Mansouri, head of the DGED (General Directorate for Studies and Documentation—Morocco’s external intelligence service), these letters, signed by Ambassador Dr. Brahim Housseine Moussa, expose deep tribal rifts within the separatist movement and major geopolitical shifts, particularly in Panama.
The Rguibate vs. Other Tribes: Using Tribal Divisions to Split the Polisario
At the heart of these revelations lies a golden opportunity for Rabat: the potential defection of senior Polisario officials. The Moroccan ambassador reports being approached several times by a certain Mr. Sliman, the pseudonym of Salama Ould Hennane, a native of Dakhla (Oulad Dlim tribe) and former “ambassador” of the self-proclaimed Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) to Panama and Central America.
Sliman’s assessment is blunt: a “very strong discontent” is shaking the separatist movement. The cause? Flagrant favoritism by the Polisario leadership toward the Rguibate tribe exclusively, to the detriment of other tribal components (Oulad Dlim, Oulad Tidrarine, Ait Lahcen, Ait Baamran, and the Takna confederation).
For the former separatist diplomat, the time is ripe to deal a fatal blow to the movement:
“This is the ideal moment to carry out an action within the Polisario, to further weaken it and unite the movement’s opponents around the autonomy project.”
Sliman claims to have the backing of several prominent SADR figures to create an internal rebellion, including:
- Ahmed Ould Souilem (Minister Delegate for Arab Affairs).
- Mahfoud Ould Ahmed Zine (former minister and regional military chief).
- Mansour (former Foreign Minister and representative in Paris).
The plan proposed to the DGED is bold: push these figures to form an official opposition group, announce their dissent at an international press conference (likely in Madrid), and publicly declare their support for the Autonomy Plan proposed by Morocco. Ambassador Moussa even suggested using Sliman as an “infiltrated agent” to carry out this destabilization.
The Battle for Central America: Algeria’s “Blank Check”
Beyond internal strife, the letters reveal a fierce influence war between Rabat and Algiers in Latin America. In October 2008, Moroccan diplomacy learned that a major Algerian delegation, led by Algeria’s ambassador to Washington, Mr. Baali, was about to tour Central America.
Algiers’ objective? To counter the progress of the Moroccan autonomy plan presented to the UN. To win over Latin capitals, Algeria pulled out all the stops, offering a “package of cooperation projects” (i.e., financial and economic aid) in exchange for alignment with separatist positions. Meanwhile, the Polisario dispatched its envoy Mohamed Yaslem Beissat to Panama to try to mend fences.
The Strategic Pivot of Panama
Panama emerges as the true epicenter of this tug-of-war. The documents confirm a major chill between Panama City and the separatists. Panamanian authorities refused to accredit a new SADR ambassador, effectively downgrading the Sahrawi representation to the lower rank of simple “charge d’affaires.”
In response, the Moroccan ambassador sounded the alarm to Rabat: Panama expected a reciprocal gesture. The diplomat insisted that Morocco send an official envoy to seal this bilateral warming and permanently block the Algerians.
In a final lobbying effort, the Moroccan diplomat reported activating his trusted networks within the Panamanian government to block Polisario’s demands, brandishing a barely veiled threat: any backtracking by Panama “could harm bilateral relations with the Kingdom of Morocco.”
Mohamed Abdelaziz’s Secret Agenda
Evidence of the precision of the intelligence gathered by the embassy, the document dated October 27, 2008, details the upcoming schedule of the then-Polisario chief, Mohamed Abdelaziz: a visit to New York on November 4 to meet UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, followed by a trip to Valencia, Spain, on November 9 for the closing of the European Conference for Support of the Sahrawi People (EUCOCO).
These diplomatic archives thus reveal the raw reality of the Sahara conflict: a shadow war where North Africa and Latin America intersect, and where the strength of alliances is played out as much in the secrecy of embassy lounges as on the ground of tribal rivalries.
